User:JKessvinJ/沙盒/英國上議院

  「Arab Jerusalem」重定向至此。关于the British newspaper，请见「Al-Quds Al-Arabi」。

2018 United Nations OCHA map of the area, showing Israeli occupation arrangements

East Jerusalem zoning

Map of East Jerusalem. The Arab areas are coloured green, while the Jewish areas are blue.

東耶路撒冷（阿拉伯语：القدس الشرقية‎，拉丁化：al-Quds al-Sharqit；希伯来语：מִזְרַח יְרוּשָׁלַיִם‬，拉丁化：Mizraḥ Yerushalayim）為1948年第一次中東戰爭後由约旦控制的耶路撒冷市區，與由以色列控制的西耶路撒冷相對應。自1967年第三次中东战争起東耶路撒冷也被以色列控制，並被國際社會視為以色列佔領區之一。

東耶路撒冷一地包括了耶路撒冷旧城和犹太教、基督教和伊斯兰教一些最神圣的圣地，如西牆、圣殿山和圣墓教堂，以及部分相鄰社區。以色列與巴勒斯坦對東耶路撒冷一詞的定義不同，巴勒斯坦當局依照1949年停戰協議，而以色列當局則是依照現耶路撒冷的行政區劃（基於1967年第三次中东战争後的行政區劃）來定義東耶路撒冷。

儘管東耶路撒冷一詞意指「耶路撒冷東部」，其範圍其實也包括旧城以北和以南的社區，甚至依照廣義定義也包括部分旧城以西的社區。國際社會將以色列在西岸地區和東耶路撒冷建立的定居點視為非法，並不予承認。

耶路撒冷在1948年的第一次以阿戰爭中被約旦和以色列所爭奪。雙方在停戰後秘密協定分治耶路撒冷，東部交由約旦統治，並在1949年3月簽訂的羅德島協議中落實。

時任以色列總理戴维·本-古里安在1949年12月曾指「一個猶太人的耶路撒冷是以色列國中有機且不可分割的一部分」，而約旦亦在翌年正式吞併東耶路撒冷。兩者均分別在1950年1月和1950年4月被各自國會所確認。按照美國政治學家伊恩·魯斯提克的説法，儘管東耶路撒冷和其周邊地區從1967年第三次中东战争起一直被以色列控制，但其從未被正式吞併，而聯合國大會也一致通過決議宣告所有單方面改變耶路撒冷地位的決定均爲無效。

巴勒斯坦解放組織（巴解）在1988年所通過的《巴勒斯坦獨立宣言》中表明耶路撒冷為巴勒斯坦國的首都。而巴勒斯坦自治政府亦在2000年通過決議宣告耶路撒冷為其首都，決議亦在2002年10月獲自治政府主席亚西尔·阿拉法特確認。此後以色列關閉東耶路撒冷境内所有與巴解有關的非政府組織，並指1993年簽署的《奧斯陸協議》並不允許巴勒斯坦自治政府在耶路撒冷運作。2017年12月13日伊斯兰合作组织承認東耶路撒冷為巴勒斯坦國的首都。

自2017年特朗普當選美國總統起，發給東耶路撒冷境内以色列定居点的建築執照按年增加六成。而巴勒斯坦人雖然為當地主要人口，但獲批的建築執照從1991年迄今只占總數三成。

名稱

1967年6月27日以色列將原只包括西耶路撒冷的行政區劃擴大至包括約70平方公里的西岸領土，即爲現時一般所指的東耶路撒冷。其當中包括了约旦在1948年後控制的耶路撒冷市區（6平方公里）和隸屬鄰近伯利恆和貝特雅拉的28個聚落（64平方公里）。

阿拉伯人一般稱東耶路撒冷為「阿拉伯耶路撒冷」（Arab Jerusalem）以表明其人口以操阿拉伯語的巴勒斯坦人爲主，而以色列則按地理位置稱其為東耶路撒冷（East Jerusalem）。

歷史

参见：耶路撒冷历史和耶路撒冷历史大事年表

史前時代

東耶路撒冷一帶自公元前5000年起已有人類居住，亦曾發現铜石并用时代的村莊遺址。現存部分墓穴可追溯至約公元前3200年青铜时代。公元前二世紀人類主要聚居在大卫城周遭以取用鄰近基訓泉之泉水。當時迦南人興建大量建築，並以修築水道將水源引至城内水池。大卫城之城牆厚達七米，以重達三噸的石頭所建。

Old Roman era gate beneath the Damascus Gate (Bab al-'Amud) in Jerusalem

英國託管時期（1917年－1948年）

1934年托管地當局定出耶路撒冷市界，並將耶路撒冷分成12個坊（Ward）以選出市議員。儘管錫安主義支持者指責選區分界偏袒巴勒斯坦人，使其能在市議會中佔多數，但政治學家Michael Dumper指出分界其實被傑利蠑螈化以有利猶太人（西邊邊界被加上一個「勾」以盡量只包含猶太人社區；東邊邊界只達舊城城牆，以排除阿拉伯人佔多數的西爾萬、拉斯阿穆、圖爾和阿布托社區）。托管地當局一直沿用該市界至1948年。到1947年時雖然托管地耶路撒冷區的主要人口爲巴勒斯坦人，但耶路撒冷市内大多數人口仍為猶太人。在東耶路撒冷一帶猶太人主要集中在舊城内，亦有部分散居在西爾萬和谢赫·贾拉社區中。

第一次中東戰爭及其影響

位處耶路撒冷的三十處宗教聖地中只有三處位處西耶路撒冷，其他均在東耶路撒冷境内。在1948年第一次中東戰爭期間，大部分耶路撒冷的宗教場所和墓地均被戰火波及，留下彈痕。以色列和外約旦雙方在1949年停戰後協議分治耶路撒冷，西耶路撒冷交由以色列統治，而穆斯林和基督徒人口佔多的東耶路撒冷則交由約旦統治。國際社會並不承認兩國對耶路撒冷的分治。

舊城中的猶太區在耶路撒冷戰役中為約旦阿拉伯軍團和以色列國防軍、伊尔贡及莱希交戰之主戰場之一，導致全區幾近完全摧毀。雙方交戰及戰後巴勒斯坦人對猶太區的掠奪導致27座猶太會堂和30間學校被摧毀。約旦軍隊被指在攻占全區後三天將已成廢墟的胡瓦会堂夷爲平地，其在戰役中同時為難民收容所及以色列哨站。

巴勒斯坦人從1948年1月開始逃離耶路撒冷一帶（猶太準軍事組織哈加拿在1月5日襲擊位於卡薩姆的賽米拉米斯酒店，導致26名平民死亡），而4月上旬的代爾亞辛村大屠殺，以及同月下旬開始出現的掠奪導致更多人逃離耶路撒冷。戰爭開始後頭六個月已有6,000名猶太人逃離耶路撒冷，主要為北部受到約旦軍炮擊的居民。當舊城中的以軍投降後，負責保護舊城中大部分民用設施的紅十字會亦安排約1,300名猶太人由錫安門撤出舊城前往以軍控制區。在東耶路撒冷受約旦統治的十八年間，唯一一處仍由以色列控制的外飛地為東北部的斯科普斯山。其為希伯來大學之校址。與此同時，居住在西耶路撒冷社區（如卡薩姆、塔爾比亞、巴卡、隱基林、利夫達和迈勒海）的巴勒斯坦人也被迫逃離家園，大部分最後前往舊城避難。

東耶路撒冷接收將近千名巴勒斯坦難民，當中一大部分為來自西耶路撒冷的中產階級。這些難民主要聚居在原猶太人爲主的社區，而原先住在這些社區的猶太人則搬至西耶路撒冷境内原巴勒斯坦人爲主的社區。戰後東耶路撒冷境内的猶太裔人口下跌30-40%，而六萬名巴勒斯坦人中則有一半逃離當地。1952年約旦所做的人口調查顯示東耶路撒冷境内只有約46,700名阿拉伯人。

約旦統治時期（1948年－1967年）

参见：Jordanian annexation of the West Bank

1961 Jordan Tourism Map of Jerusalem

King Hussein flying over the Temple Mount while it was under Jordanian conyi'zhayizharol, 1965

依照1947年的聯合國分治方案，耶路撒冷將會獨立於阿拉伯國和猶太國，交由聯合國作爲國際城市來管理。在1948年第一次中東戰爭期間，西耶路撒冷被以色列佔領，而包括舊城在内的東耶路撒冷則被約旦佔領。兩國在1949年3月簽訂的羅德島協議中同意停戰。以色列在1950年1月23日宣佈耶路撒冷為其首都，並在決議中宣告「猶太國立國後，耶路撒冷再次成爲她的首都。」約旦亦隨後在舉行全體西岸巴勒斯坦人公投後，於同年4月24日宣佈吞併西岸及東耶路撒冷。雖然英國承認約旦對西岸及東耶路撒冷的統治，但拒絕承認約旦對兩地的主權；而美國則認爲耶路撒冷問題正在審理中（sub judice），因此未曾在公開場合承認兩國對東西耶路撒冷的統治。

在約旦治下，東耶路撒冷的範圍擴張至約6平方公里，並納入如西爾萬、拉斯阿穆和舒法特等鄰近社區，以收容來自西耶路撒冷的巴勒斯坦難民。約旦政府在1953年將東耶路撒冷立爲第二首都，回應以色列將西耶路撒冷立爲首都的舉動。與此同時約旦也將東耶路撒冷大部分市政遷至首都安曼，以弱化當地望族侯賽尼家族的影響力。

約旦在管理聖地時仍維持鄂圖曼時代確立的「維持現狀」（status quo）規則，並未曾插手宗教事務。當聖墓教堂在1949年11月29日發生火災而被毀時，羅馬天主教教會提出方案將教堂重建成天主教式的新教堂。約旦國王阿卜杜拉一世雖然同意方案，但是要求在獲得其他教派的同意下方案才能實施。經約旦調解後，復修工作結果在1959年，拜占庭、拉丁、和亞美尼亞禮教派三方同意下才開始。

1964年約旦當局在橄欖山的瓦合甫上興建洲際酒店，並爲此修建了四條穿過猶太公墓的道路，毀壞大量墓碑。以色列對此提出抗議，更指部分碑石被用作鋪路及修建軍用廁所。約旦在1950年也曾抗議以色列當局毀壞西耶路撒冷瑪米拉阿拉伯公墓的墓碑。

旅游業長久以來就不是耶路撒冷經濟支柱，而分治所帶來的政治影響亦妨礙東耶路撒冷作爲旅游景點的發展。儘管如此，東耶路撒冷依舊為宗教聖地及區域經濟之中心。1960年約旦再次宣佈將東耶路撒冷立爲第二首都。美國和其他主要國家均抗議約旦的決定，並指國際社會不會「承認或牽涉到任何將耶路撒冷立爲政府所在地的舉動」。

由於約旦不承認以色列護照，猶太人和以色列裔阿拉伯人無法前往東耶路撒冷内的宗教聖地朝拜，但以色列裔基督教徒可以在聖誕節和新年以臨時通行證前往伯利恆。

Aerial view of the ancient Jewish cemetery on Mount of Olives

以色列統治時期（1967年－）

2018 United Nations map of the area, showing the Israeli occupation arrangements.

以色列自1967年六日戰爭起控制東耶路撒冷以及西岸全境。在戰爭結束後不久東耶路撒冷及相鄰的數條村落均併入西耶路撒冷。1967年11月聯合國安全理事會通過第242號決議，要求以色列從「在最近的衝突中佔領的領土」上撤軍並立即停戰。1980年以色列議會通過《耶路撒冷法》，確定耶路撒冷是以色列「永遠與不可分割的首都」。此舉被聯合國視作違反國際法，並在安全理事會第478號決議中宣告《耶路撒冷法》無效。

現況

1967年6月28日以色列將東耶路撒冷併入西耶路撒冷境内，並將其「法律、司法管轄及行政權」延至耶路撒冷全境。

On 28 June 1967 Israel extended Israeli "law, jurisdiction and administration" to the area of East Jerusalem, without naming it, by incorporating it into its municipality of West Jerusalem. Internally, this move was explained as one of annexation, integrating that part of the city into Israel. Towards the international community, which was critical, it was justified as a purely technical measure, to provide equal administrative services to all its residents, and not annexation, and the same applied to Israel's assertion of a claim of sovereignty on the passage of the 30 July 1980 Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel. The United Nations Security Council censured Israel for the move and declared the law "null and void" in United Nations Security Council Resolution 478, and the international community continues to regard East Jerusalem as held under Israeli occupation. Israel then disbanded the elected Arab municipal council placing it under the administration of West Jerusalem's mayor Teddy Kollek.

A problem arose when it was noted that East Jerusalem also had a mayor, Ruhi al-Khatib, and an elected 11 other members on the Jordanian city council. Uzi Narkiss realized the Arab council had not been dismissed. He therefore ordered the deputy military governor, Ya'akov Salman, to depose the council. Salman was at a loss as to how this measure could be executed, but Narkiss insisted he find some grounds for doing so. Eventually, Salman summoned Khatib and 4 other members to the Gloria Hotel restaurant, and read out a short statement in Hebrew.

In the name of the Israeli Defense Forces, I respectfully inform Mr Ruhi al-Khatib and members of the Jerusalem City Council that the Council is hereby dissolved.

al-Khatib demanded the order in writing, and an Arabic translation was written out on a napkin. According to Uzi Benzamin, the Israeli journalist who wrote up the encounter, "the whole episode lacked any shred of legality". Soon after al-Khatib, who had worked for an orderly transition, was deported to Jordan for organizing protests.

Services like electricity supply were transferred from Palestinian to Israeli companies, and a ministerial decision established a policy that the ratio of Jews to Palestinians, as a matter of policy, would be 76 to 24, though the 2000 Masterplan adjusted this to a 70-30 ratio, which in turn had to be subject to a 60-40% proportion given Palestinian demographic growth, which now constitutes 37% of the city's population. When offered a path to Israeli citizenship, the overwhelming majority opted for resident status instead, and adopted a boycott strategy against Israeli institutions. 90% of the land of East Jerusalem included thereafter in its municipality was added after 1967 by expropriating in most cases village or private land owned by people, not from East Jerusalem itself, but who were living in 28 Palestinian villages. According to its former deputy mayor Meron Benvenisti, the plan was designed in such a way as to incorporate a maximum of land with a minimum of Arabs. Thereafter a property tax (arnona) regime was introduced which allowed Jewish settlers a 5-year exemption and then reduced taxes, while leaving Jerusalemite West Bankers, whose zones are classified to be in the high property tax bracket, paying for 26% of municipal services, while themselves receiving only 5% of the benefit (2000). By 1986 60% of Arab East Jerusalem lacked a garbage collection infrastructure, schools could not expand classrooms and were forced into a unique double-shift system. Jewish neighbourhoods were allowed to build up to eight storeys high while Palestinians in East Jerusalem were restricted to two. The area's infrastructure still remains in a state of neglect. According to B'Tselem, as of 2017, the 370,000 overcrowded West Bankers in this zone are bereft of any control over their lives, given extreme restrictions on the movement of residents without any advance notice. Their residency can be revoked; building permits are rarely given and a separation wall fences them off from the rest of the city. Every day 140,000 Palestinians have to negotiate checkpoints to work, get a medical check-up or visit friends. Poverty has steadily increased among them, with 77% of "non-Jewish" households in Jerusalem under the Israeli poverty line, as opposed to 24.4% of Jewish families (2010).

An International Crisis Group report of 2012 described the effects of Israeli policies: cut off from trade with the West Bank by the Separation Barrier, denied political organization – which Israel's counter-terrorism agency includes as "political subversion" – by the closure of the PLO's Orient House, it is an "orphan city" hemmed in by flourishing Jewish neighbourhoods. With local construction blocked, the Palestinian neighbourhoods have become slums, where even the Israeli police will not venture except for security reasons, so that criminal businesses have thrived.

Territorial modifications

The extension of Israeli jurisdiction into East Jerusalem and its surroundings on into the municipality of Jerusalem involved the inclusion of several neighboring villages, expanding the municipality area of Jordanian East Jerusalem by integrating into it a further 111 km²（43 sq mi） of West Bank territory, while excluding many of East Jerusalem's suburbs, such as Abu Dis, Al-Eizariya, Beit Hanina and Al-Ram, and dividing several Arab villages. Israel refrained however from endowing citizenship – a mark of annexation- on the Palestinians incorporated within the new municipal borders.

The old Moroccan Quarter in front of the Western Wall was bulldozed three days after its capture, leading to the forced resettlement of its 135 families. It was replaced with a large open air plaza. The Jewish Quarter, destroyed in 1948, was depopulated, rebuilt and resettled by Jews.

After 1980 incorporation

Israeli West Bank barrier in Jerusalem

Under Israeli rule, members of all religions are largely granted access to their holy sites, with the Muslim Waqf maintaining control of the Temple Mount and the Muslim holy sites there.

With the stated purpose of preventing infiltration during the Second Intifada, Israel decided to surround Jerusalem's eastern perimeter with a security barrier. The structure has separated East Jerusalem neighborhoods from the West Bank suburbs, all of which are under the jurisdiction of Israel and the IDF. The planned route of the separation barrier has raised much criticism, with the Israeli Supreme Court ruling that certain sections of the barrier (including East Jerusalem sections) must be re-routed.

In the Oslo Accords, the PLO conceded that the question of East Jerusalem be excluded from the interim agreement, and be left to final status negotiations. Under the pretext that they are part of the PA, Israel closed many Palestinian NGOs since 2001.

At the 25 January 2006 Palestinian Legislative Elections, 6,300 East Jerusalem Arabs were registered and permitted to vote locally. All other residents had to travel to West Bank polling stations. Hamas won four seats and Fatah two, even though Hamas was barred by Israel from campaigning in the city. Fewer than 6,000 residents were permitted to vote locally in the prior 1996 elections.

In March 2009, a confidential "EU Heads of Mission Report on East Jerusalem" was published, in which the Israeli government was accused of "actively pursuing the illegal annexation" of East Jerusalem. The report stated: "Israeli 'facts on the ground' – including new settlements, construction of the barrier, discriminatory housing policies, house demolitions, restrictive permit regime and continued closure of Palestinian institutions – increase Jewish Israeli presence in East Jerusalem, weaken the Palestinian community in the city, impede Palestinian urban development and separate East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank."

In 2018, Al Bawaba reported that Israel had approved the construction of 640 new "Jewish-only" housing units in the ultra-orthodox Ramat Shlomo settlement. Some of these units will be built on privately owned Palestinian lands. According to B'tselem, the Israeli authorities have destroyed 949 Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem since 2004, resulting in the displacement of over 3,000 Palestinians. Since 2016 there has been a notable uptick in demolitions, with 92 razed that year. In the first ten months of 2019 over 140 homes were demolished, leaving 238 Palestinians, 127 of them minors, homeless.

A poll conducted by Palestinian Center for Public Opinion and American Pechter Middle East Polls for the Council on Foreign Relations, among East Jerusalem Arab residents in 2011 revealed that 39% of East Jerusalem Arab residents would prefer Israeli citizenship contrary to 31% who opted for Palestinian citizenship. According to the poll, 40% of Palestinian residents would prefer to leave their neighborhoods if they would be placed under Palestinian rule.

As of 1998, Jerusalem's religious heritage consists of 1,072 synagogues, 52 mosques, 65 churches and 72 monasteries.

法律地位

Jerusalem municipal area, under Israel in 2000

Greater Jerusalem, May 2006. CIA remote sensing map showing areas they consider settlements, plus refugee camps, fences, walls, etc.

主權

参见：Positions on Jerusalem

East Jerusalem has been occupied by Israel since 1967 and has been effectively annexed, in an act internationally condemned, by Israel in 1980. On 27–28 June 1967, East Jerusalem was integrated into Jerusalem by extension of its municipal borders and was placed under the law, jurisdiction and administration of the State of Israel. In a unanimous General Assembly resolution, the UN declared the measures trying to change the status of the city invalid.

In a reply to the resolution, Israel denied these measures constituted annexation and contended that it merely wanted to deliver services to its inhabitants and protect the Holy Places. Some lawyers, among them Yehuda Blum and Julius Stone, have argued that Israel has sovereignty over East Jerusalem under international law, since Jordan did not have legal sovereignty over the territory, and thus Israel was entitled in an act of self-defense during the Six-Day War to "fill the vacuum". This interpretation is a minority position, and international law considers all the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) to be occupied territory and call for Palestinians in the occupied territories (including East Jerusalem) to be given self-determination

Israel has never formally annexed Jerusalem, nor claimed sovereignty there but its extension of Israeli law and administration there in 1967, and the Jerusalem Basic Law of 1980 are often taken as coinstituting an effective form of annexation The Israeli Supreme Court recognized that East Jerusalem had become an integral part of the State of Israel, ruling that even if Knesset laws contravene international law, the court is bound by domestic law and therefore considers the area annexed. According to lawyers, the annexation of an area would automatically make its inhabitants Israeli citizens, a condition lacking and East Jerusalem's Palestinians have the status of "permanent residents". The United Nations General Assembly resolution 67/19 of 2012 affirmed that East Jerusalem forms part of the West Bank and is occupied.

Historically, defining a Palestinian position on Jerusalem and East Jerusalem proved difficult, given the political conflicts that arose between strategies proposed by the local East Jerusalemite establishment led by Faisal Husseini and those of the PLO under Yasser Arafat regarding the processes to be chosen to define the city's Palestinian status.

Negotiations on "share" or "divide"

East Jerusalem, with Israeli West Bank barrier in the background

Both the Oslo Accords and the 2003 Road map for peace postponed the negotiations on the status of Jerusalem. The 1997 Beilin–Eitan Agreement between some members of the Likud block and Yossi Beilin, representing Labor, which envisioned for final negotiations a limited autonomy to a demilitarized "Palestinian entity" surrounded on all sides by Israel, stated that all of Jerusalem would remain unified under Israeli sovereignty. Beilin suggested Palestinians would accept a capital outside of Jerusalem in Abu Dis, undermined the credibility of the document in Palestinian eyes.

Israel's settlement policy in East Jerusalem has been described by Avi Shlaim and others as one aiming to preempt negotiations by creating facts on the ground.

The Beilin–Abu Mazen agreement of 1995, suggested while Israel would not accept challenges to its political sovereignty over all of Jerusalem it might, with the idea of a holy basin, theoretically allow Palestinian extraterritorial sovereignty over a part of the East Jerusalem area, with Palestinians directly controlling the Noble Sanctuary, while Jews would obtain religious rights over the Temple Mount. This view, splitting religious and political authority, was unacceptable to Hamas and Arafat soon disowned the idea. At the 2000 Camp David Summit, it was agreed there could be no return to the pre-1967 Jerusalem lines of demarcation; that Israel's unilaterally imposed municipal boundaries were not fixed; that just as Israel's expansion there would be larger than mapped just after 1967, so too the Palestinian expansion would stretch out to take in villages not connected to the city earlier; that Jerusalem would remain a single unified metropolitan unit not divided by an international border, and under the governance of two distinct municipal authorities, with one under full Palestinian sovereignty and serving as the capital of the State of Palestine, exercising full powers in most parts of East Jerusalem. An exchange of neighbourhoods was envisaged, with Israel taking sovereignty over Ma'ale Adumim, Givat Ze'ev and Gush Etzion, while excluding areas earlier included, such as Sur Baher, Beit Hanina and Shu'afat. During the last serious negotiations in 2008 with the government of Ehud Olmert, Olmert, on 16 September, included a map which foresaw a shared arrangement over Jerusalem, with Israeli settlements remaining in Israel and Palestinian neighbourhoods part of a Palestinian state and constituting their future capital. The Holy Basin, including the Old City, would be under joint trusteeship overseen by Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Israel, the United States and the state of Palestine. Olmert showed, but would not share, the map with Mahmood Abbas, who was forced to make a copy of it on a napkin.

Jerusalem as capital

Dome of the Rock in the Old City

While both Israel and Palestine declared Jerusalem their capital, the Palestinians usually refer to East Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine.

In 1980, the Knesset adopted the "Jerusalem Law" as a Basic Law, declaring Jerusalem "complete and united", "the capital of Israel". The law applied to both West and East Jerusalem within, among others, the expanded boundaries as defined in June 1967. While the Jerusalem Law has political and symbolic importance, it added nothing to the legal or administrative circumstance of the city.

The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles (Oslo I), signed 13 September 1993, deferred the settlement of the permanent status of Jerusalem to the final stages of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.

The Beilin-Abu Mazen Plan stated that, "Israel will recognize that the (portion of) the area defined as 'Al-Quds' prior to the six day war which exceeds the area annexed to Israel in 1967 will be the capital of the Palestinian state". This formulation was based, according to Tanya Reinhart, on a verbal trick in that, by conferring on Abu Dis, which was within the Jordanian municipality of Jerusalem but outside Israel's redefinition, the title the holy city referring in Arabic to Jerusalem, Israel could assert that it was acceding to the idea of dividing Jerusalem. Arafat concurred with this Israeli proposal, and Israel asserted a pre-condition, namely, that all Palestinian institutions be removed from Jerusalem proper and transferred to Abu Dis. In compliance, the Palestinians built their government offices and a proposed future parliament house there, but an undertaking to transfer Abu Dis, and the neighbouring Al-Eizariya into Area C, under full Palestinian autonomy, was never fulfilled. Ehud Barak had, it is reported, before the Camp David talks, reneged on this promise which was personally conveyed to the Palestinians through President Bill Clinton. Barak remained committed to a unified Israeli Jerusalem, the default position of all Israeli governments who regard its division as non-negotiable.

At the Taba Summit in 2001 Israel made substantial concessions regarding territory but not sufficient to permit a contiguous Palestinian capital in East Jerusalem.

Position of the United States

American policy on Jerusalem, despite a standard refrain of "continuity," has been altered repeatedly since 1947, exhibiting sometimes drastic fluctuations since 1967. Historically, down to 1967, it had viewed East Jerusalem as forming part of the West Bank, a territory under belligerent occupation. On 1 March 1990, President George H. W. Bush stated publicly, the first time for an American president, an objection to Israeli building in East Jerusalem. That same year, the United States Congress unanimously adopted the Senate's Concurrent Resolution 106 adopted a resolution affirming its belief that Jerusalem must remain an undivided city this view with the Senate Concurrent Resolution 113 of 1992. This was sponsored by AIPAC and, according to John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, was a "transparent attempt to disrupt the peace process". In the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 8 November 1995 it set 1999 as the final date whereby the US embassy was to be relocated to that city, stating Jerusalem should be recognized as the capital of Israel, and that no more that 50% of the State Department funds for building abroad should be allocated until the Embassy was established there. Provision was made for the exercise of a presidential waiver.

In 1991, as part of a preparatory gesture before the Madrid Peace Conference the United States in a Letter of Assurances to the Palestinians (15 October 1991) stated that the United States undertook to act as an honest broker and expressed opposition to any unilateral measures that might prejudice peace talks, a statement the Palestinians understood to refer to Israeli settlements and policy in Jerusalem. Nevertheless, the subsequent Clinton Administration refused to characterise East Jerusalem as being under occupation and viewed it as a territory over which sovereignty was undefined. Vice President Al Gore stated that the US viewed "united Jerusalem" as the capital of Israel. In light of this designation, the US has since abstained from Security Council resolutions which use language which construes East Jerusalem as forming part of the West Bank.

In 2016, U.S. presidential election candidate Donald Trump vowed to recognize all of Jerusalem as the undivided capital of Israel if he wins the election. In 2017, President Trump recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital, and, on 14 May 2018, the United States moved its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

Residency

Following the 1967 war, Israel conducted a census in East Jerusalem and granted permanent Israeli residency to those Arab Jerusalemites present at the time of the census. Those not present lost the right to reside in Jerusalem. Jerusalem Palestinians are permitted to apply for Israeli citizenship, provided they meet the requirements for naturalization—such as swearing allegiance to Israel and renouncing all other citizenships—which most of them refuse to do. At the end of 2005, 93% of the Arab population of East Jerusalem had permanent residency and 5% had Israeli citizenship.

Between 2008 and 2010, approximately 4,500 Palestinians resident in East Jerusalem applied for Israeli citizenship, of which one third were accepted, one third rejected, and one third had the decision postponed.

As residents, East Jerusalemites without Israeli citizenship have the right to vote in municipal elections and play a role in the administration of the city. Residents pay taxes, and following a 1988 Israeli Supreme Court ruling, East Jerusalem residents are guaranteed the right to social security benefits and state health care. Until 1995, those who lived abroad for more than seven years or obtained residency or citizenship in another country were deemed liable to lose their residency status. In 1995, Israel began revoking permanent residency status from former Arab residents of Jerusalem who could not prove that their "center of life" was still in Jerusalem. This policy was rescinded four years later. In March 2000, the Minister of the Interior, Natan Sharansky, stated that the "quiet deportation" policy would cease, the prior policy would be restored, and Arab natives to Jerusalem would be able to regain residency if they could prove that they have visited Israel at least once every three years. Since December 1995, permanent residency of more than 3,000 individuals "expired", leaving them with neither citizenship nor residency. Despite changes in policy under Sharansky, in 2006 the number of former Arab Jerusalemites to lose their residency status was 1,363, a sixfold increase on the year before.

Urban planning

参见：Judaization of Jerusalem

UN map showing a series of Israeli "Inner Settlements" – each represented as red crosses – with clusters in the Old City, to the south adjacent to the City of David (shown as "Beit Hazofe" (בית הצופה, "Observation House")) and Ma'ale HaZeitim, and to the north around Shimon HaTzadik.

The term East Jerusalem sometimes refers to the area which was incorporated into the municipality of Jerusalem after 1967, covering some 70 km²（27 sq mi）, while sometimes it refers to the smaller area of the pre-1967 Jordanian-controlled part of the Jerusalem municipality, covering 6.4 km²（2.5 sq mi）. 39 percent (372,000) of Jerusalem's 800,000 residents are Palestinian, but the municipal budget allocates only 10% of its budget to them.

East Jerusalem has been designed to become an Israeli Jewish city surrounding numerous small enclaves, under military control, for the Palestinian residents. The last link in the chain of settlements closing off East Jerusalem from the West Bank was forged in 1997 when Binyamin Netanyahu approved, as part of what he perceived as a battle for the city, the construction of the settlement of Har Homa.

According to the Israeli non-governmental organization B'Tselem, since the 1990s, policies that made construction permits harder to obtain for Arab residents have caused a housing shortage that forces many of them to seek housing outside East Jerusalem. East Jerusalem residents that are married to residents of the West Bank and Gaza have had to leave Jerusalem to join their husbands and wives due to the citizenship law. Many have left Jerusalem in search of work abroad, as, in the aftermath of the Second Intifada, East Jerusalem has increasingly been cut off from the West Bank and thereby has lost its main economic hub. Israeli journalist Shahar Shahar argues that this outmigration has led many Palestinians in East Jerusalem to lose their permanent residency status.

According to the American Friends Service Committee and Marshall J. Breger, such restrictions on Palestinian planning and development in East Jerusalem are part of Israel's policy of promoting a Jewish majority in the city.

On 13 May 2007, the Israeli Cabinet began a discussion regarding a proposal to expand Israel's presence in East Jerusalem and boost its economy so as to attract Jewish settlers. To facilitate more Jewish settlement in East Jerusalem, the Cabinet is now considering an approximately 5.75 billion NIS plan to reduce taxes in the area, relocate a range of governmental offices, construct new courthouses, and build a new center for Jerusalem studies. Plans to construct 25,000 Jewish homes in East Jerusalem are in the development stages. As Arab residents are hard-pressed to obtain building permits to develop existing infrastructure or housing in East Jerusalem, this proposition has received much criticism.

According to Justus Weiner of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, the Jerusalem municipality granted the Arab sector 36,000 building permits, "more than enough to meet the needs of Arab residents through legal construction until 2020". Both Arabs and Jews "typically wait 4–6 weeks for permit approval, enjoy a similar rate of application approvals, and pay an identical fee ($3,600) for water and sewage hook-ups on the same size living unit". Weiner writes that while illegal Jewish construction typically involves additions to existing legal structures, illegal Arab construction involves the construction of entire multi-floor buildings with 4 to 25 living units, built with financial assistance from the Palestinian National Authority on land not owned by the builder.

A European Union report of March 2010 has asserted that 93,000 East Jerusalem Palestinians, 33% of the total, are at risk of losing their homes, given Israeli building restrictions imposed on them, with only 13% of the municipal territory allowed for their housing, as opposed to 53% for Jewish settlement. It wrote further that in 2013 98 such buildings were demolished, leaving 298 people homeless, while a further 400 lost their workplace and livelihoods, and that 80% live below the poverty level. 2,000 Palestinian children, and 250 teachers in the sector must pass Israeli checkpoints to get to school each day.

Jewish neighbourhoods in East Jerusalem have 30 times the number of playgrounds that Palestinian areas have. One was built for the 40,000 strong community of Sur Baher with Belgian funding in 2015 after a Jerusalem court directed the municipal council to begin constructing them. It was constructed without a permit, and the Israeli authorities say the difference is due to the difficulty of finding vacant lots suitable to playgrounds in the Arab sectors.

In 2021, Israel's Supreme Court had been expected to deliver a ruling on 10 May 2021 on whether to uphold the eviction of Palestinian families from the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood that had been permitted by a lower court. In May 2021, clashes between Palestinians and Israeli police occurred over the anticipated evictions.

Demographics

参见：Demographic history of Jerusalem

In the 1967 census, the Israeli authorities registered 66,000 Palestinian residents (44,000 residing in the area known before the 1967 war as East Jerusalem; and 22,000, in the West Bank area annexed to Jerusalem after the war). Only a few hundred Jews were living in East Jerusalem at that time, since most Jews had been expelled in 1948 during the Jordanian rule.

By June 1993, a Jewish majority was established in East Jerusalem: 155,000 Jews were officially registered residents, as compared to 150,000 Palestinians.

At the end of 2008, the population of East Jerusalem was 456,300, comprising 60% of Jerusalem's residents. Of these, 195,500 (43%) were Jews, (comprising 40% of the Jewish population of Jerusalem as a whole), and 260,800 (57%) were Arabs. Of the Arabs, 95% were Muslims, comprising 98% of the Muslim population of Jerusalem, and the remaining 5% were Christians. In 2008, the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics reported the number of Palestinians living in East Jerusalem was 208,000 according to a recently completed census.

At the end of 2008, East Jerusalem's main Arab neighborhoods included Shuafat (38,800), Beit Hanina (27,900), the Muslim Quarter of the Old City (26,300), At-Tur including As-Sawana (24,400). East Jerusalem's main Jewish neighborhoods include Ramot (42,200), Pisgat Ze'ev (42,100), Gilo (26,900), Neve Yaakov (20,400), Ramat Shlomo (15,100) and East Talpiot (12,200). The Old City (including the already mentioned Muslim Quarter) has an Arab population of 36,681 and a Jewish population of 3,847.

In 2016, the population of East Jerusalem was 542,400, comprising 61% of Jerusalem's residents. Of these, 214,600 (39.6%) were Jews, and 327,700 (60.4%) were Arabs.

According to Peace Now, approvals for building in Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem has expanded by 60% since Trump became US president in 2017. Since 1991, Palestinians who make up the majority of the residents in the area have only received 30% of the building permits.

Healthcare

Until 1998, residents of East Jerusalem were disadvantaged in terms of healthcare service and providers. By 2012, almost every neighborhood in East Jerusalem had health clinics that included advanced medical equipment, specialized ER units, X-ray diagnostic centers and dental clinics. Israel's system of healthcare entitles all Israeli citizens and East Jerusalem residents to receive free healthcare service funded by the Israeli government.

According to Haaretz in 2015, the quality of healthcare centers between Israeli cities and East Jerusalem are almost equal. The health quality indices in East Jerusalem increased from a grade of 74 in 2009 to 87 in 2012, which is the same quality grade the clinics in West Jerusalem received.B'tselem maintains that, despite constituting 40% of Jerusalem's population, the municipality only runs six healthcare centers in the Palestinian sector, compared to the 27 run by the state in Jewish neighbourhoods. According to ACRI, only 11% of the residents of East Jerusalem are treated by the welfare services. In 2006 64% of the Palestinian population lived below the poverty line. By 2015 75%, and 84% of their children, were living below the poverty line.

In 2018, President Donald Trump's administration cut $25 million from hospitals in East Jerusalem that specialized in cancer care for Palestinians. The cut in funds covers 40% of the running costs for 6 hospitals providing treatment for patients from both the Gaza Strip and the broader West Bank where treatment is unavailable. The shortfall was thought to put at serious risk the viability of both Augusta Victoria Hospital and Saint John Eye Hospital. The sum saved was to be redirected to "high-priority projects" elsewhere.

Culture

更多信息：2009 Arab Capital of Culture

Jerusalem was designated the Arab Capital of Culture in 2009. In March 2009, Israel's Internal Security Minister responded with a number of injunctions, banning scheduled cultural events in the framework of this designation in Jerusalem, Nazareth and in other parts of the Palestinian Territories. The Minister instructed Israel Police to "suppress any attempts by the PA to hold events in Jerusalem and throughout the rest of the country". The minister issued the ban on the basis that the events would be a violation of a clause in the interim agreement between Israel and the Palestinians that forbids the Palestinian Authority (PA) from organizing events in Israeli territory.

On 22 June 2013, the Israeli Public Security Minister closed the El-Hakawati Theater for eight days, to prevent a puppet theater festival with an 18-year tradition. Israel Security Agency Shin Bet accused the Palestinian Authority of funding the child-festival, which was denied by the theater director. A month later, members of Israel's theater world held a protest.

On 29 June 2013, Israel denied members of the Ramallah Orchestra from the Al Kamandjâti music school access to East Jerusalem, where they were to give a concert in the French St. Anne's church. Nevertheless, after the musicians had climbed over the Separation Wall, the concert eventually took place.

Environment

East Jerusalem has been recognised as an Important Bird Area (IBA) by BirdLife International because its walls and old buildings provide nesting sites for a population of lesser kestrels, with some 35–40 breeding pairs estimated in 1991. The city, especially the Mount of Olives region, also underlies a white stork migration route.

Economy

May 2013, UNCTAD published the first comprehensive investigation into the East Jerusalem economy undertaken by the United Nations. The report concluded that the Israeli occupation had caused the economy to shrink by half in the last 20 years compared to West Bank and Gaza Strip, which it described as "a dismal testament to the decline of the East Jerusalem economy and its growing isolation under prolonged occupation", that resulted in the economic isolation of Palestinian residents. It found a 77% to 25% differential in the number of households living below the poverty line in non-Jewish and Jewish households respectively, with the differential in child poverty being 84% for Palestinian children as opposed to 45% for Jewish children. Major problems were said to be restrictions on movement of goods and people, which Israel says are imposed for security reasons, and Israeli neglect of "dire socio-economic conditions". UNCTAD said "the Israeli government could go much further in meeting its obligations as an occupying power by acting with vigour to improve the economic conditions in East Jerusalem and the well-being of its Palestinian residents". The Palestinians' governor of Jerusalem said "some relaxation of the political situation" was required for the economy to improve.

Citizenship

Over 95% of East Jerusalemite Palestinians retain residency status rather than citizenship. Application for citizenship have grown from 69 (2003) to over 1,000 (2018) but obtaining Israel citizenship has been described as an uphill battle, with the number of applicants who receive a positive response meager. Obtaining an appointment for an interview alone can take 3 years followed by another 3 to 4 years to obtain a decision one way or another. Of 1,081 requests in 2016 only 7 were approved, though by 2018, 353 approvals were given to the 1,012 Palestinians applying. Lack of sufficient fluency in Hebrew, suspicions the applicant might have property in the West Bank, or be a security risk (such as having once visited a relative gaoled on security grounds) are considered impediments.

East Jerusalem residents are increasingly becoming integrated into Israeli society. Trends among East Jerusalem residents have shown: increasing numbers of applications for an Israeli ID card; more high school students taking the Israeli matriculation exams; greater numbers enrolling in Israeli academic institutions; a decline in the birthrate; more requests for building permits; a rising number of East Jerusalem youth volunteering for national service; a higher level of satisfaction according to polls of residents; increased Israeli health services; and a survey showing that in a final agreement more East Jerusalem Palestinians would prefer to remain under Israeli rule.

Education

According to the Israeli Education Ministry, the number of East Jerusalem high school students who took Israeli matriculation exams rose from 5,240 in 2008 to 6,022 in 2011. There are 10 schools in East Jerusalem that specialize in preparing East Jerusalem students for Israeli universities and colleges; one of the biggest schools is the Anta Ma'ana ("You are with us") Institute on Al-Zahara Street.

East Jerusalem has a shortage of schools for Palestinian children. In 2012, the classroom shortage was reportedly 1,100, due to what Haaretz described as "years of intentional neglect of East Jerusalem schools, which serve the Arab population by the Education Ministry and the city". A relatively high dropout rate of schoolchildren is found in the Arab sector, even 40% among 12th graders in 2011.

The new building is Schmidt's Girls College.

Schools in East Jerusalem include:

• Schmidt's Girls College

Mayors

参见：Mayor of Jerusalem

• Anwar Khatib (1948–1950)
• Aref al-Aref (1950–1951)
• Hannah Atallah (1951–1952)
• Omar Wa'ari (1952–1955)
• Ruhi al-Khatib (1957–1994; titular)
• Amin al-Majaj (1994–1999; titular)
• Zaki al-Ghul (1999–2019; titular)

See also

• Green Line
• Jerusalem Governorate
• List of East Jerusalem locations

Notes

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External links

• Legal status of East Jerusalem and its residents (from B'Tselem)
• One Jerusalem – supportive of Israel's unification of the city
• East Jerusalem and the Politics of Occupation AFSC Middle East Resource Series
• Legal Status of the Population of East Jerusalem since 1967 and the Implications of Israeli Annexation on their Civil and Social Rights (The Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem)