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利玛窦（左）和徐光启（右），两人曾在1607年共同翻译出《几何原本》的中文版。

中国礼仪之争，指17世纪至18世纪西方天主教传教士就中国传统礼仪是否与天主教义相容，从而和清王朝在学术和政治上发生的冲突[1][2]。在天主教内先后有两种看法，耶稣会认为祭祖祭孔是世俗的仪式，与天主教教义相容，在一定范围内，是应该被容忍的；而以道明会和方济会则认为这与天主教教义相悖，不可容忍，并因此向罗马教皇请示报告。

在道明会建议下，罗马教廷在1645年通过通谕，禁止中国教徒祭祖祭孔。但之后在耶稣会的游说下，罗马教廷在1656年，解除了这个禁令。[1]这个风波曾一度使中国和亚洲其它地区，包括日本[3]和印度[4]的天主教徒都受到了影响。

在这场冲突中，清朝统治者和罗马教廷的几个教皇（包括克勉十一世和克勉十四世）分歧越来越大，最终使得罗马教廷进行了直接干预。虽然到了后期，道明会和方济会已不像当初激烈反对耶稣会的思想，但罗马教廷始终持强硬态度。克勉十一世在1704年下达谕令禁止教徒进行祭祖祭孔的仪式。1742年，本笃十四世重申禁令，并禁止一切的辩论。[1]

在两个世纪后的1939年，罗马教廷开始重新审视这个问题。庇护十二世在1939年12月8日颁布了一项谕令，同意教徒进行祭祖仪式和祭孔仪式。后来，在第二次梵蒂冈大公会议（1962-1965）上，祭祖祭孔被正式认可，成为教义的一部分。[1]

背景

早期的发展

 
耶稣会传教士金尼阁（1577年-1628年），身着中国服装汉服。他是利玛窦思想的真正继承者，和利玛窦指定的继承人龙华民产生了严重分歧。

在西班牙和葡萄牙武力征服美洲大陆后，传教士们发现，在万里以外的东亚诸国，他们的社会文化，还没有受到过欧洲的影响。因此，他们开始向东亚派遣传教士。[5]

范礼安，是天主教耶稣会到达东亚的第一个教士，他当时首先来到的是日本。他在参考了日本的自身情况后，制定了适应本地社会风俗的基督徒礼仪。这也为后来在中国进行传教的教士们提供了借鉴。[6]

利玛窦规矩

In China, Matteo Ricci reused the Cérémonial and adapted it to the Chinese context. At one point the Jesuits even started to wear the gown of Buddhist monks, before adopting the more prestigious silk gown of Chinese literati.[6] In particular, Matteo Ricci's Christian views on Confucianism and Chinese rituals, often called as "Template:Link-zh" (中文：利玛窦规矩), was followed by Jesuit missionaries in China and Japan.[7]

In a decree signed on 23 March 1656, Pope Alexander VII accepted practices "favorable to Chinese customs", reinforcing 1615 decrees which accepted the usage of the Chinese language in liturgy, a notable exception to the contemporary Latin Catholic discipline which had generally forbidden the use of local languages.[8]

In the 1659 instructions given by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (known as the Propaganda Fide) to new missionaries to Asia, provisions were clearly made to the effect that adapting to local customs and respecting the habits of the countries to be evangelised was paramount:[9]

Do not act with zeal, do not put forward any arguments to convince these peoples to change their rites, their customs or their usages, except if they are evidently contrary to the religion [i.e., Catholic Christianity] and morality. What would be more absurd than to bring France, Spain, Italy or any other European country to the Chinese? Do not bring to them our countries, but instead bring to them the Faith, a Faith that does not reject or hurt the rites, nor the usages of any people, provided that these are not distasteful, but that instead keeps and protects them.

——Extract from the 1659 Instructions, given to Mgr François Pallu and Mgr Lambert de la Motte of the Paris Foreign Missions Society by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith.[10][11]

天主教的扩张

 
康熙帝（中）和汤若望（右）

康熙初年，由于当时的皇帝对天主教极为包容和友善，耶稣会传教士在中国的传教十分顺利。传教士在天文、外交和武器等领域做出突出贡献。[12]耶稣会士也为清朝的军事做出了重要贡献，随着欧洲火药技术的传播，他们铸造各种口径的火炮，提供给清军为战争之需。1689年，清朝与俄罗斯帝国准备划订疆界，商议尼布楚条约。精于拉丁文的传教士张诚和徐日升作为翻译参与了《尼布楚条约》的谈判过程，负责和俄国人进行沟通。这条条约最终以拉丁文签订。[11]到了17世纪末，越来越多的耶稣会传教士在中国的影响力急剧增长。

1692年（康熙三十一年），康熙下达一道容教令[13]，标志着传教士的势力攀上高峰：[3][14]

这道旨意提升了天主教在中国的地位，使其与佛教和道教平起平坐。[16]康熙帝也在他的政府机构里提拔和重用了一些耶稣会士。[17]

争议

耶稣会成功进入到中国社会的各个方面，在皇家宫廷里，因为他们的天文学和力学知识令人叹为观止，所以经常有很多传教士在皇家天文台任职。[18]他们准确预测日食，使皇帝可以为相关祭奠做好准备；一些耶稣会传教士则成为宫廷画家。很多来华传教士受到中国儒家文化的影响，逐渐习惯了这种生活习惯。[19][20]

 
在当时中国儒家文化和西方天主教糅合的背景下，1687年在巴黎发行了关于中国哲学家孔子的《孔子生活与成就》一书。

然而不久之后，耶稣会遇到一个考验，在中国，大部分社会精英都崇奉儒家学说，而佛教与道教的信徒则大多为普通平民百姓和低等贵族、官吏，尽管之间差异很大，但儒教和道教的信仰都涉及到祖先崇拜。[3] 有鉴于此，他们在中国传教的同时，并逐步制定并通过了利玛窦对待中国礼仪的策略，即“利玛窦规矩”。[21] Besides the Jesuits, other religious orders such as the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Augustinians started missionary work in China during the 17th century, often coming from the Spanish colony of the Philippines. Contrary to the Jesuits, they refused any adaptation to local customs and wished to apply in China the same tabula rasa principle they had applied in other places,[6] and were horrified by the practices of the Jesuits.[11]

They ignited a heated controversy and brought it to Rome.[22] They raised three main points of contention:[6]

  • Determination of the Chinese word for "God", which was generally accepted as 天主 Tiānzhǔ (Lord of Heaven), while Jesuits were willing to allow Chinese Christians to use 天 Tiān (Heaven) or 上帝 Shàngdì (Lord Above / Supreme Emperor)
  • Prohibition for Christians to participate in the season rites for Confucius.
  • Prohibition for Christians of the use of tablets with the forbidden inscription "site of the soul", and to follow the Chinese rites for the ancestor worship.

In Rome, the Jesuits tried to argue that these "Chinese Rites" were social (rather than religious) ceremonies, and that converts should be allowed to continue to participate.[13][23]

The Jesuits argued that Chinese folk religion and offerings to the Emperor and departed ancestors were civil in nature and therefore not incompatible with Catholicism, while their opponents argued that these kinds of worship were an expression of native religion and thus incompatible with Catholic beliefs.[13][24]

教皇禁令

 
克勉十一世

虽然之后的欧洲舆论认为儒教是一种世俗哲学而非宗教——因为它不符合西方宗教的标准，但教皇坚持儒家的祭典与天主教教义冲突。[13]

1704年12月20日，他正式发布教旨：[21]

1705年（康熙四十四年）罗马教廷派特使铎罗来华，1707年铎罗在江宁（今南京市）发布禁令：

公元1715年，教皇克勉十一世又颁布《自登基之日》（Ex Illa Die）[26]的教宗通谕，重申必须绝对遵守1704年的禁令，否则将受绝罚。所有传教士必须宣誓服从。[12][27][28]

教宗本笃十四世于是在1742年颁布《自从上主圣意》（Ex quo singulari），重申“自登基之日”禁约。这个通谕还禁止在华传教士讨论“礼仪”问题。本笃十四通谕宣布之后，“异论顿息，人心翕然，迄今二百年，各省传教神父，勿论何国何会，悉遵教皇谕旨，宣传天主正教，共遵一途，共守一道，毫无争执歧异之端，而圣教之至一至圣，亦愈彰明较著焉。”[30][31]

清廷的应对

康熙帝的禁令

1705年（康熙四十四年）罗马教廷派特使铎罗来华，1707年铎罗在江宁（今南京市）发布禁令，康熙帝令将铎罗押往澳门交葡萄牙人看管。康熙还严斥：“众西洋人，自今以后，若不遵利玛窦规矩，断不准在中国住，必逐回去。”1710年，铎罗死于澳门监狱中[32][12][33]，康熙为澄清中国礼仪之争，派遣法国天主教传教士艾若瑟出使罗马教廷，樊守义随行。两人到达罗马后，将康熙帝关于铎罗来华及中国礼节问题和西洋教务问题的旨意，详细向教皇呈述。教皇不愿艾若瑟返回中国，至1718年，罗马教皇收到康熙皇帝朱笔文书才放行[34]。

康熙六十年（1721年）康熙阅取罗马教廷特使嘉乐所带来的“自登基之日”禁约后，对教皇克勉十一世下达的禁令，产生了反感。[35][36]在他的旨意中，说：

Chinese converts were also involved in the controversy through letters of protest, books, pamphlets, etc.[21] The Controversy debate was most intense between a group of Christian literati and a Catholic Bishop (named Charles Maigrot de Crissey) in Fujian province, with the Chinese group of converts support the Jesuits and the bishop supported by less accommodating Iberian mendicants (Dominicans and Franciscans).[23]

雍正帝加强禁令

雍正帝对西方学术和文化没有任何兴趣。他身边较多的是喇嘛，萨满教徒，对其父优渥传教士早有不满。他于登基次年（1724）就发布禁令，在全国范围内禁止天主教活动。[25]

乾隆朝的解冻和再次限制

Although the Jesuits' defense of Christianity in China was still grounded in the accommodation policy first practiced by Matteo Ricci, it ended in failure in the eighteenth century: The persecution of Chinese Christians steadily increased during the reign of Qianlong Emperor[13] While the Qianlong Emperor appreciated and admired the Jesuit Giuseppe Castiglione's artwork and western technologies, the emperor reinforced anti-Christian policies in 1737.[13]

Dissolution of Jesuits

参见：Jesuit China missions和Suppression of the Jesuits

Pope Clement XIV dissolved the Society of Jesuits in 1773, on the issue over Jesuit accommodation policy; in particular, the 1773 decree did not accept that Chinese Rites can be placed on equal footing with Europe and Christianity.[21]

Pope Pius XII's decision

主条目：庇护十二世与中国

The Rites controversy continued to hamper Church efforts to gain converts in China. In 1939, a few weeks after his election to the papacy, Pope Pius XII ordered the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples to relax certain aspects of Clement XI's and Benedict XIV's decrees.[39][40] After the Apostolic Vicars had received guarantees from the Manchukuo Government that confirmed the mere "civil" characteristics of the so-called "Chinese rites", the Holy See released, on December 8, 1939, a new decree, known as Plane Compertum, stating that:

  • Catholics are permitted to be present at ceremonies in honor of Confucius in Confucian temples or in schools;
  • Erection of an image of Confucius or tablet with his name on is permitted in Catholic schools.
  • Catholic magistrates and students are permitted to passively attend public ceremonies which have the appearance of superstition.
  • It is licit and unobjectionable for head inclinations and other manifestations of civil observance before the deceased or their images.
  • The oath on the Chinese rites, which was prescribed by Benedict XIV, is not fully in accord with recent regulations and is superfluous.[41]

This meant that Chinese customs were no longer considered superstitious, but were an honourable way of esteeming one's relatives and therefore permitted by Catholic Christians.[42] Confucianism was also thus recognized as a philosophy and an integral part of Chinese culture rather than as a heathen religion in conflict with Catholicism. Shortly afterwards, in 1943, the Government of China established diplomatic relations with the Vatican. The Papal decree changed the ecclesiastical situation in China in an almost revolutionary way.[43] As the Church began to flourish, Pius XII established a local ecclesiastical hierarchy, and, in 1946, named Thomas Tien Ken-sin (中文：田耕莘) SVD, then Apostolic Vicar of Qingdao, as the first Chinese national in the Sacred College of Cardinals[43] and later that year appointed him to the Archdiocese of Beiping.

参见

脚注

  1. ^ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 Kuiper, Kathleen. Chinese Rites Controversy (Roman Catholicism) -- Britannica Online Encyclopedia. Encyclopedia Britannica. 31 Aug 2006 [19 February 2013]. The continuing controversy involved leading universities in Europe, was considered by eight popes and by the Kangxi emperor... 
  2. ^ Pacific Rim Report No. 32, February 2004, The Chinese Rites Controversy: A Long Lasting Controversy in Sino-Western Cultural History by Paul Rule, Ph.D.
  3. ^ 3.0 3.1 3.2 George Minamiki. The Chinese rites controversy: from its beginning to modern times. Loyola University Press. 1985 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-0-8294-0457-9. 
  4. ^ Edward G. Gray; Norman Fiering. The Language Encounter in the Americas, 1492–1800: A Collection of Essays. Berghahn Books. 2000: 117 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-1-57181-210-0. 
  5. ^ Mantienne, pp.177-8.
  6. ^ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 Mantienne, p.178. 引用错误：带有name属性“Mantienne, p.178”的<ref>标签用不同内容定义了多次
  7. ^ Rule, Paul A. What Were "The directives of Matteo Ricci" Regarding the Chinese Rites? (PDF). Pacific Rim Report. 2010, (54) [2013-03-04].  参数|title=值左起第43位存在C1控制符 (帮助)
  8. ^ Mantienne, p.179.
  9. ^ Missions, p. 4.
  10. ^ Missions, p. 5. Original French: "Ne mettez aucun zèle, n'avancez aucun argument pour convaincre ces peuples de changer leurs rites, leurs coutumes et leur moeurs, à moins qu'ils ne soient évidemment contraires à la religion et à la morale. Quoi de plus absurde que de transporter chez les Chinois la france, l'Espagne, l'Italie, ou quelque autre pays d'Europe ? N'introduisez pas chez eux nos pays, mais la foi, cette foi qui ne repousse ni ne blesse les rites, ni les usages d'aucun peuple, pourvu qu'ils ne soient pas détestables, mais bien au contraire veut qu'on les garde et les protège."
  11. ^ 11.0 11.1 11.2 p. 83. 引用错误：带有name属性“LaunayMoussay2008”的<ref>标签用不同内容定义了多次
  12. ^ 12.0 12.1 12.2 Mantienne, p. 180.
  13. ^ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 13.6 Jocelyn M. N. Marinescu. Defending Christianity in China: The Jesuit Defense of Christianity in the "Lettres Edifiantes Et Curieuses" & "Ruijianlu" in Relation to the Yongzheng Proscription of 1724. ProQuest. 2008: 240– [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-0-549-59712-4.  引用错误：带有name属性“Marinescu2008”的<ref>标签用不同内容定义了多次
  14. ^ Stephen Neill. History of Christian Missions. Penguin Books. 1964 [20 February 2013]. 
  15. ^ Don Alvin Pittman. Toward a Modern Chinese Buddhism: Taixu's Reforms. University of Hawaii Press. 2001: 35–36 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-0-8248-2231-6. 
  16. ^ Jesus in history, thought, and culture. 2. K - Z. ABC-CLIO. : 170 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-1-57607-856-3. ... an Edict of Toleration, elevating Christiainity to the same status as Buddhism and Daoism. 
  17. ^ Zhidong Hao. Macau: History and Society. Hong Kong University Press. 28 February 2011: 133– [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-988-8028-54-2. 
  18. ^ Needham, Joseph; Colin A. Ronan. The Shorter Science and Civilisation in China:. Cambridge University Press. 20 June 1985. ISBN 978-0-521-31536-4. 
  19. ^ Udias, Agustin. Jesuit Astronomers in Beijing 1601–1805. Quarterly Journal of the Royal Astronomical Society. 1994, 35: 463 [19 February 2013]. 
  20. ^ Needham, Joseph. Chinese astronomy and the Jesuit mission: an encounter of cultures. China Society occasional papers ; no. 10. China Society. 1958. OCLC 652232428. 
  21. ^ 21.0 21.1 21.2 21.3 Stewart J. Brown; Timothy Tackett. Cambridge History of Christianity: Volume 7, Enlightenment, Reawakening and Revolution 1660-1815. Cambridge University Press. 2006: 463 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-0-521-81605-2. Whereas from a missionary perspective the focus is on the sharp demarcation between the so-called ‘Jesuit’ and ‘Dominican’ positions, the role of the Chinese converts has been largely ignored. ‘Their involvement in the controversy through books, pamphlets, letters of protest etc. shows that they were truly imbedded in a Chinese society in which rites occupied an important place.’  引用错误：带有name属性“BrownTackett2006”的<ref>标签用不同内容定义了多次
  22. ^ Mantienne, pp.177-80
  23. ^ 23.0 23.1 D. E. Mungello. The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500–1800. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. 1 November 2012: 28 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-1-4422-1977-9. Rites Controversy debate was most intense in Fujian province where an active group of Christian literati debated with a combative Catholic bishop named Charles Maigrot de Crissey (1652-1730). European missionaries divided largely on the lines of religious orders and nationalities. The Jesuits largely supported the Chinese while the Iberian mendicants (Dominicans and Franciscans) and secular priests were less accommodating.  引用错误：带有name属性“Mungello2012”的<ref>标签用不同内容定义了多次
  24. ^ Donald Frederick Lach; Edwin J.. Van Kley. East Asia. University of Chicago Press. 1998: 195 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-0-226-46765-8. 
  25. ^ 25.0 25.1 李天纲. 中国礼仪之争 : 历史·文献和意义. 上海: 上海古籍出版社. 1998-12. ISBN 7532524876. 
  26. ^ 《自登基之日》（Ex Illa Die）载《中国礼仪之争西文文献一百篇》，上海古籍出版社 2001年。
  27. ^ 中国教会的礼仪之争（1715年）
  28. ^ 现代欧洲中心论者对莱布尼茨的抱怨
  29. ^ Mantienne, pp.177-82
  30. ^ 萧若瑟：《天主教传行中国考》，第340页。
  31. ^ James MacCaffrey. The History Of The Catholic Church From The Renaissance To The French Revolution Volume 1. Kessinger Publishing. 30 June 2004: 202 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-1-4191-2406-8. 
  32. ^ 阎宗临：《康熙与克莱芒十一世》，《中外交通史》
  33. ^ Alfred Owen Aldridge. Crosscurrents in the Literatures of Asia and the West: Essays in Honor of A. Owen Aldridge. University of Delaware Press. 1997: 53 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-0-87413-639-5. 
  34. ^ 阎宗临：《身见录校后记》
  35. ^ Marcia R. Ristaino. The Jacquinot Safe Zone: Wartime Refugees in Shanghai. Stanford University Press. 13 February 2008: 21 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-0-8047-5793-5. 
  36. ^ Robert Richmond Ellis. They Need Nothing: Hispanic-Asian Encounters of the Colonial Period. University of Toronto Press. 6 August 2012: 69 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-1-4426-4511-0. 
  37. ^ Dun Jen Li. China in transition, 1517-1911. Van Nostrand Reinhold. 1969 [4 March 2013]. 
  38. ^ 北平故宫博物院 编：《康熙与罗马使节关系文书影印本》，1932年，第41-42页。
  39. ^ Matthew Bunson; Monsignor Timothy M Dolan. OSV's Encyclopedia of Catholic History. Our Sunday Visitor Publishing. 1 March 2004: 228 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-1-59276-026-8. 
  40. ^ Christina Miu Bing Cheng. Macau: A Cultural Janus. Hong Kong University Press. 1999: 78 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-962-209-486-4. 
  41. ^ S.C.Prop. Fid., 8 Dec 1939, AAS 32-24. (The Sacred Congregation of Propaganda)
  42. ^ Smit, pp.186–7
  43. ^ 43.0 43.1 Smit, p.188
References
  • Mantienne, Frédéric 1999 Monseigneur Pigneau de Béhaine, Editions Eglises d'Asie, 128 Rue du Bac, Paris, ISSN 12756865 ISBN 2-914402-20-1,
  • Missions étrangères de Paris. 350 ans au service du Christ 2008 Editeurs Malesherbes Publications, Paris ISBN 978-2-916828-10-7
  • Smit, Jan Olav, 1951 Pope Pius XII, Burns Oates & Washburne, London&Dublin.

扩展阅读

  • Jedin, Hubert, Kirchengeschichte Vol. VII, Herder Freiburg, 1988 （德文）
  • Metzler, Joseph, La Congregazione 'de Propaganda Fide' e lo sviluppo delle missioni cattoliche (secc. XVIII al XX), in Anuario de la Historia de la Iglesia, Año/Vol IX, Pamplona, 2000, pp. 145–54 不正确的语言代码。（说明）如果在角色介绍看到此讯息，请参考这个条目修改源代码。

外部链接

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