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利瑪竇（左）和徐光啟（右），兩人曾在1607年共同翻譯出《幾何原本》的中文版。

中國禮儀之爭，指17世紀至18世紀西方天主教傳教士就中國傳統禮儀是否與天主教義相容，從而和清王朝在學術和政治上發生的衝突[1][2]。在天主教內先後有兩種看法，耶穌會認為祭祖祭孔是世俗的儀式，與天主教教義相容，在一定範圍內，是應該被容忍的；而以道明會和方濟會則認為這與天主教教義相悖，不可容忍，並因此向羅馬教皇請示報告。

在道明會建議下，羅馬教廷在1645年通過通諭，禁止中國教徒祭祖祭孔。但之後在耶穌會的遊說下，羅馬教廷在1656年，解除了這個禁令。[1]這個風波曾一度使中國和亞洲其它地區，包括日本[3]和印度[4]的天主教徒都受到了影響。

在這場衝突中，清朝統治者和羅馬教廷的幾個教皇（包括克勉十一世和克勉十四世）分歧越來越大，最終使得羅馬教廷進行了直接干預。雖然到了後期，道明會和方濟會已不像當初激烈反對耶穌會的思想，但羅馬教廷始終持強硬態度。克勉十一世在1704年下達諭令禁止教徒進行祭祖祭孔的儀式。1742年，本篤十四世重申禁令，並禁止一切的辯論。[1]

在兩個世紀後的1939年，羅馬教廷開始重新審視這個問題。庇護十二世在1939年12月8日頒佈了一項諭令，同意教徒進行祭祖儀式和祭孔儀式。後來，在第二次梵蒂岡大公會議（1962-1965）上，祭祖祭孔被正式認可，成為教義的一部分。[1]

背景

早期的發展

 
耶穌會傳教士金尼閣（1577年-1628年），身着中國服裝漢服。他是利瑪竇思想的真正繼承者，和利瑪竇指定的繼承人龍華民產生了嚴重分歧。

在西班牙和葡萄牙武力征服美洲大陸後，傳教士們發現，在萬里以外的東亞諸國，他們的社會文化，還沒有受到過歐洲的影響。因此，他們開始向東亞派遣傳教士。[5]

范禮安，是天主教耶穌會到達東亞的第一個教士，他當時首先來到的是日本。他在參考了日本的自身情況後，制定了適應本地社會風俗的基督徒禮儀。這也為後來在中國進行傳教的教士們提供了借鑑。[6]

利瑪竇規矩

In China, Matteo Ricci reused the Cérémonial and adapted it to the Chinese context. At one point the Jesuits even started to wear the gown of Buddhist monks, before adopting the more prestigious silk gown of Chinese literati.[6] In particular, Matteo Ricci's Christian views on Confucianism and Chinese rituals, often called as "Template:Link-zh" (中文：利瑪竇規矩), was followed by Jesuit missionaries in China and Japan.[7]

In a decree signed on 23 March 1656, Pope Alexander VII accepted practices "favorable to Chinese customs", reinforcing 1615 decrees which accepted the usage of the Chinese language in liturgy, a notable exception to the contemporary Latin Catholic discipline which had generally forbidden the use of local languages.[8]

In the 1659 instructions given by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (known as the Propaganda Fide) to new missionaries to Asia, provisions were clearly made to the effect that adapting to local customs and respecting the habits of the countries to be evangelised was paramount:[9]

Do not act with zeal, do not put forward any arguments to convince these peoples to change their rites, their customs or their usages, except if they are evidently contrary to the religion [i.e., Catholic Christianity] and morality. What would be more absurd than to bring France, Spain, Italy or any other European country to the Chinese? Do not bring to them our countries, but instead bring to them the Faith, a Faith that does not reject or hurt the rites, nor the usages of any people, provided that these are not distasteful, but that instead keeps and protects them.

——Extract from the 1659 Instructions, given to Mgr François Pallu and Mgr Lambert de la Motte of the Paris Foreign Missions Society by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith.[10][11]

天主教的擴張

 
康熙帝（中）和湯若望（右）

康熙初年，由於當時的皇帝對天主教極為包容和友善，耶穌會傳教士在中國的傳教十分順利。傳教士在天文、外交和武器等領域做出突出貢獻。[12]耶穌會士也為清朝的軍事做出了重要貢獻，隨着歐洲火藥技術的傳播，他們鑄造各種口徑的火炮，提供給清軍為戰爭之需。1689年，清朝與俄羅斯帝國準備劃訂疆界，商議尼布楚條約。精於拉丁文的傳教士張誠和徐日升作為翻譯參與了《尼布楚條約》的談判過程，負責和俄國人進行溝通。這條條約最終以拉丁文簽訂。[11]到了17世紀末，越來越多的耶穌會傳教士在中國的影響力急劇增長。

1692年（康熙三十一年），康熙下達一道容教令[13]，標誌着傳教士的勢力攀上高峰：[3][14]

這道旨意提升了天主教在中國的地位，使其與佛教和道教平起平坐。[16]康熙帝也在他的政府機構里提拔和重用了一些耶穌會士。[17]

爭議

耶穌會成功進入到中國社會的各個方面，在皇家宮廷里，因為他們的天文學和力學知識令人嘆為觀止，所以經常有很多傳教士在皇家天文台任職。[18]他們準確預測日食，使皇帝可以為相關祭奠做好準備；一些耶穌會傳教士則成為宮廷畫家。很多來華傳教士受到中國儒家文化的影響，逐漸習慣了這種生活習慣。[19][20]

 
在當時中國儒家文化和西方天主教糅合的背景下，1687年在巴黎發行了關於中國哲學家孔子的《孔子生活與成就》一書。

然而不久之後，耶穌會遇到一個考驗，在中國，大部分社會精英都崇奉儒家學說，而佛教與道教的信徒則大多為普通平民百姓和低等貴族、官吏，儘管之間差異很大，但儒教和道教的信仰都涉及到祖先崇拜。[3] 有鑑於此，他們在中國傳教的同時，並逐步制定並通過了利瑪竇對待中國禮儀的策略，即「利瑪竇規矩」。[21] Besides the Jesuits, other religious orders such as the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Augustinians started missionary work in China during the 17th century, often coming from the Spanish colony of the Philippines. Contrary to the Jesuits, they refused any adaptation to local customs and wished to apply in China the same tabula rasa principle they had applied in other places,[6] and were horrified by the practices of the Jesuits.[11]

They ignited a heated controversy and brought it to Rome.[22] They raised three main points of contention:[6]

  • Determination of the Chinese word for "God", which was generally accepted as 天主 Tiānzhǔ (Lord of Heaven), while Jesuits were willing to allow Chinese Christians to use 天 Tiān (Heaven) or 上帝 Shàngdì (Lord Above / Supreme Emperor)
  • Prohibition for Christians to participate in the season rites for Confucius.
  • Prohibition for Christians of the use of tablets with the forbidden inscription "site of the soul", and to follow the Chinese rites for the ancestor worship.

In Rome, the Jesuits tried to argue that these "Chinese Rites" were social (rather than religious) ceremonies, and that converts should be allowed to continue to participate.[13][23]

The Jesuits argued that Chinese folk religion and offerings to the Emperor and departed ancestors were civil in nature and therefore not incompatible with Catholicism, while their opponents argued that these kinds of worship were an expression of native religion and thus incompatible with Catholic beliefs.[13][24]

教皇禁令

 
克勉十一世

雖然之後的歐洲輿論認為儒教是一種世俗哲學而非宗教——因為它不符合西方宗教的標準，但教皇堅持儒家的祭典與天主教教義衝突。[13]

1704年12月20日，他正式發佈教旨：[21]

1705年（康熙四十四年）羅馬教廷派特使鐸羅來華，1707年鐸羅在江寧（今南京市）發佈禁令：

公元1715年，教皇克勉十一世又頒佈《自登基之日》（Ex Illa Die）[26]的教宗通諭，重申必須絕對遵守1704年的禁令，否則將受絕罰。所有傳教士必須宣誓服從。[12][27][28]

教宗本篤十四世於是在1742年頒佈《自從上主聖意》（Ex quo singulari），重申「自登基之日」禁約。這個通諭還禁止在華傳教士討論「禮儀」問題。本篤十四通諭宣佈之後，「異論頓息，人心翕然，迄今二百年，各省傳教神父，勿論何國何會，悉遵教皇諭旨，宣傳天主正教，共遵一途，共守一道，毫無爭執歧異之端，而聖教之至一至聖，亦愈彰明較著焉。」[30][31]

清廷的應對

康熙帝的禁令

1705年（康熙四十四年）羅馬教廷派特使鐸羅來華，1707年鐸羅在江寧（今南京市）發佈禁令，康熙帝令將鐸羅押往澳門交葡萄牙人看管。康熙還嚴斥：「眾西洋人，自今以後，若不遵利瑪竇規矩，斷不准在中國住，必逐回去。」1710年，鐸羅死於澳門監獄中[32][12][33]，康熙為澄清中國禮儀之爭，派遣法國天主教傳教士艾若瑟出使羅馬教廷，樊守義隨行。兩人到達羅馬後，將康熙帝關於鐸羅來華及中國禮節問題和西洋教務問題的旨意，詳細向教皇呈述。教皇不願艾若瑟返回中國，至1718年，羅馬教皇收到康熙皇帝硃筆文書才放行[34]。

康熙六十年（1721年）康熙閱取羅馬教廷特使嘉樂所帶來的「自登基之日」禁約後，對教皇克勉十一世下達的禁令，產生了反感。[35][36]在他的旨意中，說：

Chinese converts were also involved in the controversy through letters of protest, books, pamphlets, etc.[21] The Controversy debate was most intense between a group of Christian literati and a Catholic Bishop (named Charles Maigrot de Crissey) in Fujian province, with the Chinese group of converts support the Jesuits and the bishop supported by less accommodating Iberian mendicants (Dominicans and Franciscans).[23]

雍正帝加強禁令

雍正帝對西方學術和文化沒有任何興趣。他身邊較多的是喇嘛，薩滿教徒，對其父優渥傳教士早有不滿。他於登基次年（1724）就發佈禁令，在全國範圍內禁止天主教活動。[25]

乾隆朝的解凍和再次限制

Although the Jesuits' defense of Christianity in China was still grounded in the accommodation policy first practiced by Matteo Ricci, it ended in failure in the eighteenth century: The persecution of Chinese Christians steadily increased during the reign of Qianlong Emperor[13] While the Qianlong Emperor appreciated and admired the Jesuit Giuseppe Castiglione's artwork and western technologies, the emperor reinforced anti-Christian policies in 1737.[13]

Dissolution of Jesuits

參見：Jesuit China missions和Suppression of the Jesuits

Pope Clement XIV dissolved the Society of Jesuits in 1773, on the issue over Jesuit accommodation policy; in particular, the 1773 decree did not accept that Chinese Rites can be placed on equal footing with Europe and Christianity.[21]

Pope Pius XII's decision

主條目：庇護十二世與中國

The Rites controversy continued to hamper Church efforts to gain converts in China. In 1939, a few weeks after his election to the papacy, Pope Pius XII ordered the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples to relax certain aspects of Clement XI's and Benedict XIV's decrees.[39][40] After the Apostolic Vicars had received guarantees from the Manchukuo Government that confirmed the mere "civil" characteristics of the so-called "Chinese rites", the Holy See released, on December 8, 1939, a new decree, known as Plane Compertum, stating that:

  • Catholics are permitted to be present at ceremonies in honor of Confucius in Confucian temples or in schools;
  • Erection of an image of Confucius or tablet with his name on is permitted in Catholic schools.
  • Catholic magistrates and students are permitted to passively attend public ceremonies which have the appearance of superstition.
  • It is licit and unobjectionable for head inclinations and other manifestations of civil observance before the deceased or their images.
  • The oath on the Chinese rites, which was prescribed by Benedict XIV, is not fully in accord with recent regulations and is superfluous.[41]

This meant that Chinese customs were no longer considered superstitious, but were an honourable way of esteeming one's relatives and therefore permitted by Catholic Christians.[42] Confucianism was also thus recognized as a philosophy and an integral part of Chinese culture rather than as a heathen religion in conflict with Catholicism. Shortly afterwards, in 1943, the Government of China established diplomatic relations with the Vatican. The Papal decree changed the ecclesiastical situation in China in an almost revolutionary way.[43] As the Church began to flourish, Pius XII established a local ecclesiastical hierarchy, and, in 1946, named Thomas Tien Ken-sin (中文：田耕莘) SVD, then Apostolic Vicar of Qingdao, as the first Chinese national in the Sacred College of Cardinals[43] and later that year appointed him to the Archdiocese of Beiping.

參見

腳註

  1. ^ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 Kuiper, Kathleen. Chinese Rites Controversy (Roman Catholicism) -- Britannica Online Encyclopedia. Encyclopedia Britannica. 31 Aug 2006 [19 February 2013]. The continuing controversy involved leading universities in Europe, was considered by eight popes and by the Kangxi emperor... 
  2. ^ Pacific Rim Report No. 32, February 2004, The Chinese Rites Controversy: A Long Lasting Controversy in Sino-Western Cultural History by Paul Rule, Ph.D.
  3. ^ 3.0 3.1 3.2 George Minamiki. The Chinese rites controversy: from its beginning to modern times. Loyola University Press. 1985 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-0-8294-0457-9. 
  4. ^ Edward G. Gray; Norman Fiering. The Language Encounter in the Americas, 1492–1800: A Collection of Essays. Berghahn Books. 2000: 117 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-1-57181-210-0. 
  5. ^ Mantienne, pp.177-8.
  6. ^ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 Mantienne, p.178. 引用錯誤：帶有name屬性「Mantienne, p.178」的<ref>標籤用不同內容定義了多次
  7. ^ Rule, Paul A. What Were "The directives of Matteo Ricci" Regarding the Chinese Rites? (PDF). Pacific Rim Report. 2010, (54) [2013-03-04].  參數|title=值左起第43位存在C1控制符 (幫助)
  8. ^ Mantienne, p.179.
  9. ^ Missions, p. 4.
  10. ^ Missions, p. 5. Original French: "Ne mettez aucun zèle, n'avancez aucun argument pour convaincre ces peuples de changer leurs rites, leurs coutumes et leur moeurs, à moins qu'ils ne soient évidemment contraires à la religion et à la morale. Quoi de plus absurde que de transporter chez les Chinois la france, l'Espagne, l'Italie, ou quelque autre pays d'Europe ? N'introduisez pas chez eux nos pays, mais la foi, cette foi qui ne repousse ni ne blesse les rites, ni les usages d'aucun peuple, pourvu qu'ils ne soient pas détestables, mais bien au contraire veut qu'on les garde et les protège."
  11. ^ 11.0 11.1 11.2 p. 83. 引用錯誤：帶有name屬性「LaunayMoussay2008」的<ref>標籤用不同內容定義了多次
  12. ^ 12.0 12.1 12.2 Mantienne, p. 180.
  13. ^ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 13.6 Jocelyn M. N. Marinescu. Defending Christianity in China: The Jesuit Defense of Christianity in the "Lettres Edifiantes Et Curieuses" & "Ruijianlu" in Relation to the Yongzheng Proscription of 1724. ProQuest. 2008: 240– [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-0-549-59712-4.  引用錯誤：帶有name屬性「Marinescu2008」的<ref>標籤用不同內容定義了多次
  14. ^ Stephen Neill. History of Christian Missions. Penguin Books. 1964 [20 February 2013]. 
  15. ^ Don Alvin Pittman. Toward a Modern Chinese Buddhism: Taixu's Reforms. University of Hawaii Press. 2001: 35–36 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-0-8248-2231-6. 
  16. ^ Jesus in history, thought, and culture. 2. K - Z. ABC-CLIO. : 170 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-1-57607-856-3. ... an Edict of Toleration, elevating Christiainity to the same status as Buddhism and Daoism. 
  17. ^ Zhidong Hao. Macau: History and Society. Hong Kong University Press. 28 February 2011: 133– [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-988-8028-54-2. 
  18. ^ Needham, Joseph; Colin A. Ronan. The Shorter Science and Civilisation in China:. Cambridge University Press. 20 June 1985. ISBN 978-0-521-31536-4. 
  19. ^ Udias, Agustin. Jesuit Astronomers in Beijing 1601–1805. Quarterly Journal of the Royal Astronomical Society. 1994, 35: 463 [19 February 2013]. 
  20. ^ Needham, Joseph. Chinese astronomy and the Jesuit mission: an encounter of cultures. China Society occasional papers ; no. 10. China Society. 1958. OCLC 652232428. 
  21. ^ 21.0 21.1 21.2 21.3 Stewart J. Brown; Timothy Tackett. Cambridge History of Christianity: Volume 7, Enlightenment, Reawakening and Revolution 1660-1815. Cambridge University Press. 2006: 463 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-0-521-81605-2. Whereas from a missionary perspective the focus is on the sharp demarcation between the so-called 『Jesuit』 and 『Dominican』 positions, the role of the Chinese converts has been largely ignored. 『Their involvement in the controversy through books, pamphlets, letters of protest etc. shows that they were truly imbedded in a Chinese society in which rites occupied an important place.』  引用錯誤：帶有name屬性「BrownTackett2006」的<ref>標籤用不同內容定義了多次
  22. ^ Mantienne, pp.177-80
  23. ^ 23.0 23.1 D. E. Mungello. The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500–1800. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. 1 November 2012: 28 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-1-4422-1977-9. Rites Controversy debate was most intense in Fujian province where an active group of Christian literati debated with a combative Catholic bishop named Charles Maigrot de Crissey (1652-1730). European missionaries divided largely on the lines of religious orders and nationalities. The Jesuits largely supported the Chinese while the Iberian mendicants (Dominicans and Franciscans) and secular priests were less accommodating.  引用錯誤：帶有name屬性「Mungello2012」的<ref>標籤用不同內容定義了多次
  24. ^ Donald Frederick Lach; Edwin J.. Van Kley. East Asia. University of Chicago Press. 1998: 195 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-0-226-46765-8. 
  25. ^ 25.0 25.1 李天綱. 中国礼仪之争 : 历史·文献和意义. 上海: 上海古籍出版社. 1998-12. ISBN 7532524876. 
  26. ^ 《自登基之日》（Ex Illa Die）載《中國禮儀之爭西文文獻一百篇》，上海古籍出版社 2001年。
  27. ^ 中國教會的禮儀之爭（1715年）
  28. ^ 現代歐洲中心論者對萊布尼茨的抱怨
  29. ^ Mantienne, pp.177-82
  30. ^ 蕭若瑟：《天主教傳行中國考》，第340頁。
  31. ^ James MacCaffrey. The History Of The Catholic Church From The Renaissance To The French Revolution Volume 1. Kessinger Publishing. 30 June 2004: 202 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-1-4191-2406-8. 
  32. ^ 閻宗臨：《康熙與克萊芒十一世》，《中外交通史》
  33. ^ Alfred Owen Aldridge. Crosscurrents in the Literatures of Asia and the West: Essays in Honor of A. Owen Aldridge. University of Delaware Press. 1997: 53 [4 March 2013]. ISBN 978-0-87413-639-5. 
  34. ^ 閻宗臨：《身見錄校後記》
  35. ^ Marcia R. Ristaino. The Jacquinot Safe Zone: Wartime Refugees in Shanghai. Stanford University Press. 13 February 2008: 21 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-0-8047-5793-5. 
  36. ^ Robert Richmond Ellis. They Need Nothing: Hispanic-Asian Encounters of the Colonial Period. University of Toronto Press. 6 August 2012: 69 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-1-4426-4511-0. 
  37. ^ Dun Jen Li. China in transition, 1517-1911. Van Nostrand Reinhold. 1969 [4 March 2013]. 
  38. ^ 北平故宮博物院 編：《康熙與羅馬使節關係文書影印本》，1932年，第41-42頁。
  39. ^ Matthew Bunson; Monsignor Timothy M Dolan. OSV's Encyclopedia of Catholic History. Our Sunday Visitor Publishing. 1 March 2004: 228 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-1-59276-026-8. 
  40. ^ Christina Miu Bing Cheng. Macau: A Cultural Janus. Hong Kong University Press. 1999: 78 [20 February 2013]. ISBN 978-962-209-486-4. 
  41. ^ S.C.Prop. Fid., 8 Dec 1939, AAS 32-24. (The Sacred Congregation of Propaganda)
  42. ^ Smit, pp.186–7
  43. ^ 43.0 43.1 Smit, p.188
References
  • Mantienne, Frédéric 1999 Monseigneur Pigneau de Béhaine, Editions Eglises d'Asie, 128 Rue du Bac, Paris, ISSN 12756865 ISBN 2-914402-20-1,
  • Missions étrangères de Paris. 350 ans au service du Christ 2008 Editeurs Malesherbes Publications, Paris ISBN 978-2-916828-10-7
  • Smit, Jan Olav, 1951 Pope Pius XII, Burns Oates & Washburne, London&Dublin.

擴展閱讀

  • Jedin, Hubert, Kirchengeschichte Vol. VII, Herder Freiburg, 1988 （德文）
  • Metzler, Joseph, La Congregazione 'de Propaganda Fide' e lo sviluppo delle missioni cattoliche (secc. XVIII al XX), in Anuario de la Historia de la Iglesia, Año/Vol IX, Pamplona, 2000, pp. 145–54 不正確的語言代碼。（說明）如果在角色介紹看到此訊息，請參考這個條目修改原始碼。

外部鏈接

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